Day Nine

Tuesday, June 24

Today’s visits explored the huge divides of international politics. We had the honor of meeting with the Ambassador and Representatives of both sides of the Cyprus situation. We were cordially met and hosted by both parties. Each in their own eloquent way made their case and offered hope for a reunification of Cyprus – which I firmly believe both sides wish – but is in the HOW that politics divide the island.



In the morning we met at the Honorable Embassy of the Republic of Cyprus with his Excellency Andreas Kakouris, the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Cyprus to the United States. A well-spoken man, Ambassador Kakouris was eloquent in speaking of his country and the need for reunification. He shared with us his happiness of the opening of the Ledra Street gate in Nicosi, allowing both Greek and Turkish Cypriots to cross the border. He also shared the painful story of his parents returning to their home in Northern Cyprus to find them destroyed or turned into parking lots.

He talked about three key aspects related to the Turkish invasion of Cyprus– Democracy, Human Rights, and the Rule of Law. It is the issues surrounding the Rule of Law that complicate this situation, especially related to the continued Turkish military presence on the island, Turkish immigration, and property reclamation. From the Greek Cypriot position, under the Rule of Law – Turkey is the invader and the cause of the problems, escalating tensions and interfering with the legal governance of the island.

He also talked about Kofi Annan proposal for Reunification. The main reason for the 75 percent "no" vote among Greek Cypriots in the referendum was their perception that the Annan Plan was unbalanced and excessively pro-Turkish.

The good news is that a series of working groups in Cyprus are negotiating a shared government structure and the details for reunification in advance of formal meetings beginning this summer.

In the afternoon, we traveled to Georgetown to meet with representative of the Turkish Cyprus Community.



The Representative Office of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus in Washington, D.C. is the de facto embassy of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus to the United States. As the United States does not officially recognize the TRNC as an independent country, the mission does not have formal diplomatic status.

Hilmi Akil serves as the Washington D.C. Representative of the Turkish Cypriot Community

Mr. Akil was back in Cyprus participating in the Governance Working Group as mentioned above so we met with two of his assistants, Buket Kop – Second Secretary and Gunes Onar, Third Secretary of the Washington Office.

Ms. Kop and Mr. Onar read from the text prepared by Mr. Akil. They were careful with their words as they were representing Mr. Akil in his absence.

They too hoped for reunification but as a separate government – like two states independent with a central government that ties them together. They also want Turkey and NATO to have a protectorate presence on the island while the Greek Cypriots want the Turkish military removed. The also shared the success of the opening of the border gates in Nicosia and that no violence has taken place since the opening.

They were the only side to use the term genocide in their conversation. (We were all given a copy of Harry Gibbons’ book The Genocide Files that looks at the Cyprus situation from the Turkish Cypriots’ perspective.) When asked how can reconciliation can occur on the island following the genocide – they simply stated the two sides got along before and they will again. It will take some time but it will happen. From my perspective, they seem to use the moral argument against genocide as justification to keep a Turkish military presence on the island.

After listening to both sides I know that this is a tense situation. I am certain that atrocities occurred on both sides of this crisis in the ‘70s and that politics have now taken advantage of a horrible situation for gain. In light of all this, it is positive to see efforts to create a political solution that might lead to resolution. What I learned from this situation is the power of politics and the need for political will and determination to confront and intervene is escalating situations, atrocities and crimes against humanity as well as resolve the aftermath.


Evening - Meeting with Roger Smith

Following our day exploring both sides of the Cyprus situation, we met back on the American University campus to meet with Dr. Roger Smith.



Dr. Smith is Professor of Government Emeritus at the College of William and Mary. He is one of the country's foremost experts on genocide, is widely-published on this topic. He is known for his seminal article “American Self-Interest and the Response to Genocide,” which appeared in the Chronicle of Higher Education in July, 2004. More specifically, he has written about the Armenian genocide and women and genocide. He has served as President of the International Association for Genocide Scholars, chairman of the Zoryan Institute's Academic Board of Directors, and as a council member of the Institute on the Holocaust.

This was a wonderful presentation with a global scholar on the subject. The focus of our conversations was on corrupt logic used to justify genocide. It begins with the dehumanization of “the other” and how the perpetrators define their victims. The act of constructing the identity of the victims is focused creating difference and the act of genocide destroys that difference by elimination of the victims. Defining the differences and dehumanizing the victims places them outside the boundaries of moral obligation. To put it another way, because the victims are different and not human (cockroaches), the perpetrators have no moral obligation to treat them as human. The rituals of degradation offer the perpetrators an exhilaration of power that is validated by revenge and a false sense of justice that further discredits the victims. Evil is recognized for good as morality, humanity, and values are perverted to justify the dehumanization and extermination of the other.

We then went on to explore the logic of the doers and categorized them as leaders, managers, and doers.

Leaders pursue genocide for:

• Conquest
• Revenge
• Gain
• Utilitarian exploitation
• Monopoly of power
• Purification/Salvation –ideological pursuit

Managers, those helping to run logistics and run the mechanisms of genocide are:

• Bureaucratic
• Not necessarily ideological
• Technical
• “Desk Murderers”
• Given Permission

and often pursue their activities due to:

• Conformity
• Material Gain
• Sense of belonging

The doers are encouraged to act and given permission to do so by the leaders and managers. They learn how to commit genocide through mimesis and role-playing.

And often pursue their activities due to:

• Peer Pressure
• Material Gain
• Reward / Recognition

We also talked about By-Standers – the individuals who are not victims but don’t do anything to stop the atrocities. They are the “faces in the window” who watch. They do not act due to:

• Fear
• Preservation
• Indifference
• Self-interest

The concept of self-interest also relates to national self-interest. International bodies (Governments) can be by-standers as well. Governments often do not intervening because:

• Situation is not clear
• It’s appears futile
• It’s counter productive to to national self-interest
• It would jeopardize other (more important) goals (Profits)

Real Politique: It refers to the realist's determination to treat politics as they really are and not as the idealist would wish them to be.

We ended this dynamic conversation with a discussion on denial. Denial is part of and is present throughout the genocide process. Denial continues the genocide and continues the attitudes that support the act of genocide. It is, of course, a lie and serves as defense mechanism for the perpetrators helping to preserve self-image.

What is denied?

• The facts of the genocide
• Responsibility for the genocide
• Significance of the genocide
o Relative Rationalism
o Trivialization
• That the term “Genocide” is applicable

Denial is significant because it perpetuates the genocide and dishonors the victims. It also tells former, current, and future perpetrators that they can get away with genocide (Remember Hitler’s famous quote about the Armenian genocide?) Additionally, denial of genocide corrupts research and scholarship and destroys international relations

Denial can be overcome by identifying acts of genocide, commemoration of the events, and remembrance of the lives lost and destroyed.

Day Eight

Monday, June 23

Today begins our first day in Washington D.C. so it was appropriate that we started our conversations on the current crisis in the Sudan.

Meeting with Save Darfur



We took the Metro from American University to the L Street offices of Save Darfur where we met with Catherine Wagner - Student Outreach Coordinator, Coby Rudolph – National Outreach Coordinator, and Niemat Ahmadi – Darfuri Liason Officer and a refugee from the violence in Darfur.

For background of the crisis in Darfur, please review my notes from Day Six of the Institute.

The meeting began with Neimat giving us an update on the continuing situation in Darfur and the problems escalating in the refugee camps in Chad.


Niemat Ahmadi
Darfuri Liason Officer - Save Darfur

The key issue discussed in this meeting was the lack of political will by the United States to intervene in Darfur. In 2004, Colin Powell, then serving as the US Secretary of State, speaking before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee stated:

"We concluded that genocide has been committed in Darfur and that the government of Sudan and the Janjaweed bear responsibility and genocide may still be occurring,"

Since then little has been done to intervene in the continuing genocide.

Save Darfur has identified five initiatives necessary to establish a lasting and just peace in all of Sudan and in the region that need U.S. support:

• Ending the violence against civilians;
• Facilitating adequate and unhindered humanitarian aid;
• Establishing conditions for the safe and voluntary return of displaced people to their homes;
• Promoting the long-term sustainable development of Darfur; and
• Holding the perpetrators accountable.

In July 2007, UNAMID was authorized by Security Council resolution 1769 as a 26,000 member peacekeeping force to help protect the people of Darfur.

UNAMID’s core mandate is the protection of civilians, as well as contributing to security for humanitarian assistance, monitoring and verifying implementation of agreements, assisting an inclusive political process, contributing to the promotion of human rights and rule of law, and monitoring and reporting on the situation along the borders with Chad and the CAR.

UNAMID deployment is a critical step towards ending the tragedy in Sudan. But even after its authorization, the UNAMID force has not been given appropriate resources to fulfill its humanitarian mission.

For Example: No nation has stepped forward to provide any of the 24 helicopters that everyone agrees are essential for UNAMID to be successful.

The UNAMID force requires three Medium Utility Helicopter Wings and one Light Tactical Helicopter Wing (totaling 18 transport and six tactical helicopters, with associated troops) to operate effectively across the Darfur region, and to move the supplies and equipment necessary to carry out its mandate.

NATO countries among them have 18,000 helicopters at their disposal.

U.S. intervention in Darfur does not require military action. What is needed for UNAMID’s success is funding and logistical support, a strengthening of sanctions against the Sudanese Government, and consistent diplomatic action

We wrapped up our session with Save Darfur discussing educational strategies/programs available including Dollars for Darfur as well as lesson plans from National Geographic’s Xpeditions program and the Genocide Intervention Network.

Day Seven

Sunday, June 22, 2008

Today was the travel day. Last night Eli and Callista drove up to Dekalb to visit before I traveled off to Washington. It was a wonderful but short visit, especially after the exploration of the previous week. It is hard to imagine my world without them and yet, throughout history, families have been torn apart and destroyed by war and the insidiousness of genocide.

For the past week I have been looking at pictures and films, reading stories and statistics, and hearing from survivors of genocide. "Never Again" is a joke. It is a statement based in naivety. We need to focus on the reality that genocide is occurring in the world today, just as it has in the past and will in the future. That is a fact. But what we can change is how we, as a nation, as a global community, as human beings respond to that fact. Do we simply shrug and say its impossible or do we use our collective clout, will, and resources - political, diplomatic, financial, military, and humanitarian to quickly and decisively intervene BEFORE the genocides begin.

Go back and read my post of Day Two, where we explored the Eight Stages of Genocide developed by Gregory H. Stanton of Genocide Watch. The activities that prepare and lead to the actual atrocities and killings are public. We see them in the news every day. Journalists document and write about them. The world's Intelligence Agencies track these activities. So if the world can anticipate genocidal activity WHY don't we do anything. Is the world morally bankrupt? Have we lost our humanity. Or is it that we allow our leaders to determine was is in our "national best interest" and chart a course where oil is more valuable than human life?

While traveling to Washington, I was able to read Roger Smith's powerful essay The Response to Genocide that was published in The Chronicle Review on July 30, 2004. In the article he discussed how genocide can be prevented. He promotes the idea that "it is crucial that policy makers redefine 'national interests' to include the prevention of genocide abroad." He bases this call for an expanded understanding of the term on two arguments and I quote them here:

"The first is moral: Genocide is a crime committed upon a particular people, but by its very nature, it is also a crime against humankind, permanently diminishing the biological and cultural possibilities of human existence. It is an outrage to our sense of justice. Since when can we support, allow, defend the mass killings of the innocent?

The second reason: Genocide leads to war, regional and international instability, disruption of trade, an enormous outflow of refugees, and if not stopped, sends a message to would-be perpetrators that they can go ahead with impunity."

In July 2004, the United Nations launched their Action Plan to Prevent Genocide.It was to involve the whole United Nations system. This plan is based on five acts of intervention:

1. Preventing armed conflict.
2. Protection of civilians in armed conflict.
3. Ending impunity.
4. Early and clear warning.
5. Swift and decisive action.

In his introductory remarks announcing the plan, Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in speaking before the Commission on Human Rights said:

"We must never forget our collective failure to protect at least 800,000 defenceless men, women and children who perished in Rwanda 10 years ago. Such crimes cannot be reversed. Such failures cannot be repaired. The dead cannot be brought back to life. So what can we do? First, we must all acknowledge our responsibility for not having done more to prevent or stop the genocide."

It is now almost July 2008. Four years for action. Yet the genocide still continues in Darfur and the Congo.

We have failed to act AGAIN.
It is time for change.
It is past time for action.

Disclaimer

All data and information provided on the genocides below is for informational purposes only. It is presented as a compilation of various sources (i.e.: Lecture Notes, Speaker Notes, Web Sources, Etc.) These notes are NOT presented, suggested, or intended to be original scholarship, nor is it definitive or comprehensive given the tremendous scope of the subject.

This is a blog. It is not a peer-reviewed journal, a final archive of my writing, a sponsored publication, or the product of editorial review and editing. I make no representations as to the accuracy, completeness, currentness, suitability, or validity of any information on this site. All information is provided on an as-is basis with no warranties and no rights conferred.

The opinions expressed here represent my own and not those of my employer.

In addition, my thoughts and opinions change from time to time (Though a few colleagues would tell you otherwise.) I consider this a wonderful benefit of having an open mind. As this is a controversial subject, I encourage diversity of opinion as I explore this topic. However, I demand respect and will remove posts that I consider offensive and demeaning.

Finally, I am exploring this topic to find my voice in an escalating global problem. My intention with this blog is to do no harm - to not injure others, defame, or libel. There is enough pain in the world. I am working in my little corner of the world to try and make a difference.

Day Six

Saturday, June 21, 2008

Today is the last day of the institute in residence at Northern Illinois University. Tomorrow we travel to Washington DC for a week of meetings with Genocide Prevention/Awareness organizations, lobbyists, and a few international ambassadors.

We close this session of the institute looking at Genocide in Africa.

Rwanda


The problems that led to the genocide in Rwanda stem back to the days of Colonialism.

The Hamitic Hypothesis

In Rwanda, the Hamitic hypothesis was a racialist hypothesis created by John Hanning Speke in the 19th century which stated that the supposedly "Hamitic" Tutsi people were superior to the "Bantu" Hutus because they were deemed to be more "White" in their facial features, and thus destined to rule over the Hutus.

Because of the tribalism in the area, and this imposed European belief that the Tutsis were superior to the Hutus (and favored as superior), the Hutus began to see the Tutsis as an outside invader to their land.

Berlin Conference 1885

At the request of Portugal, German chancellor Otto von Bismarck called together the major western powers of the world to negotiate questions and end confusion over the control of Africa. The conference re-mapped Africa. The new countries lacked rhyme or reason and divided coherent groups of people and merged together disparate groups who really did not get along.

Many political events of the 20th century heightened the tensions in the region:

1957 - The "Hutu Manifesto" began the Hutu "emancipation" movement (PARMEHUTU.) The group quickly became militarized.

1961 Monarchy ends

1962 Rwanda full independence – 1st Republic
• Tutsi marginalized and periodically massacred.

1973 – Coup d’état - Juvénal Habyarimana
• Discrimination against Tutsi was institutionalized

Development of Political Groups/Factions

Akazu – Hutu Power was an informal organization of Hutus (founded by Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana and his wife Agathe Habyarimana) whose members are generally understood to be responsible for the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) – The RPF was formed in 1987 by the Tutsi refugee diaspora in Uganda. The first Tutsi refugees fled to Uganda to escape ethnic purges beginning 1959.

Interahamwe – The Interahamwe (meaning "Those who stand together") is a Hutu paramilitary organization that actively participated in the genocide with support from the Hutu-led government.

Impuzamugambi – The Impuzamugambi (meaning "Those who have the same goal") was a Hutu militia in Rwanda formed in 1992. Together with the Interahamwe militia, which formed earlier and had more members, the Impuzamugambi was responsible for many of the deaths of Tutsis and moderate Hutus during the Rwandan Genocide of 1994.

Both the Interahamwe and the Impuzamugambi was trained and equipped by the Rwandan Government Forces (RGF) and the Presidential Guard. When the genocide started in April 1994, the Interahamwe and the Impuzamugambi acted in close collaboration and largely merged their structures and activities.

Political Situation

August 4, 1993 - The Arusha Accords were a set of five accords (or protocols) signed in Arusha, Tanzania by the government of Rwanda and the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), under mediation, to end a three-year civil war. The Accords negotiated points considered necessary for lasting peace: the rule of law, repatriation of refugees both from fighting and from power sharing agreements, and the merging of government and insurgent armies.

Hutu Power perceived these accords as a threat to their power.

October 5, 1993 - The United Nations Security Council commissioned Resolution 872 (1993) which established the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) - Force Commander was Canadian Major-General Roméo Dallaire. Its objective was assistance in and supervision of implementation of the Arusha Accords.


Canadian Major-General Roméo Dallaire

The Genocide

April 6, 1994 - The airplane of President Juvénal Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira (also a Hutu) was shot down. Responsibility for the attack is a matter of contention, with both the Hutu extremists and the RPF under suspicion. The assassination was ultimately the trigger for the Rwandan Genocide.

Hutu Power utilized mass media (Radio) to direct the extermination of Tutsis

Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, under protection of UNAMIR personnel, was assassinated by the presidential guard. The ten Belgian UNAMIR soldiers sent to protect her were later found killed.

Rwandan Government Forces (RGF) and Hutu militia groups systematically set out to murder all the Tutsis they could capture, irrespective of their age or gender. Political moderates were also targeted.

The militia members typically murdered their victims by hacking them with machetes, although some army units used rifles. The victims were often found hiding in churches and school buildings, where Hutu gangs massacred them. Ordinary citizens were called on by local officials and government-sponsored radio to kill their neighbors, and those who refused to kill were often killed themselves.

The victory of the RPF rebels and overthrow of the Hutu regime ended the genocide in July 1994, 100 days after it started.

Statistics

• 800,000 killed in 100 days
• 77% of Rwandan Tutsi killed
• 100,000 orphaned by genocide
• 3,000,000 refugees
• 77,000 still live in exile

Aftermath and Justice

Following the genocide, approximately two million Hutus, participants in the genocide, and the bystanders, with anticipation of Tutsi retaliation, fled from Rwanda, to Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and for the most part Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo DRC).



November 8, 1994 - The Security Council passes Resolution 955 creating the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). The ICTR was established for the prosecution of persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda between January 1, 1994 and December 31, 1994. The first trials began in 1997.

The Trial of Jean-Paul Akayesu - ICTR found him guilty of 9 counts of genocide and crimes against humanity. His trial established the precedent that rape is a crime of genocide. The Trial Chamber held that "sexual assault formed an integral part of the process of destroying the Tutsi ethnic group and that the rape was systematic and had been perpetrated against Tutsi women only, manifesting the specific intent required for those acts to constitute genocide." On October 2, 1998, Akayesu was sentenced to life imprisonment.

By August 1998, 135,000 genocidaires are in prison (out of an estimated 750,000 genocide participants.) ICTR is overwhelmed. To ease strain Rwanda developed Gacaca Courts

Established in 2001, the Gacaca (pronounced "gachacha") court was developed as part of a system of community justice inspired by tradition in Rwanda.



The "mission" of this system is to achieve "truth, justice, [and] reconciliation." It aims to promote community healing by making the punishment of perpetrators faster and less expensive to the state.

According to the official Rwandan government website of the National Service of Gacaca Jurisdictions, the "Gacaca Courts" system has the following objectives:

• The reconstruction of what happened during the genocide
• The speeding up of the legal proceedings by using as many courts as possible
• The reconciliation of all Rwandans and building their unity

Genocide-related trials started on March 10, 2005 in Gacaca Courts.

• Sentences range from community service to life imprisonment
• 818,000 prosecutions by 2008

Darfur


Sudan is the largest country in Africa covering 2.5 million sq miles and with a population of 39 million (32% urban, 68% rural, 7% nomads.)

Darfur is in the western section of Sudan, Darfur covers an area of some 190,420 sq mi)— approximately the size of Texas or Spain. The region is divided into three federal states: West Darfur, South Darfur, and North Darfur.


The combination of decades of drought, desertification, and overpopulation are among the causes of the Darfur conflict, because the Baggara nomads searching for water have to take their livestock further south, to land mainly occupied by Black African farming communities.

A rebellion started in 2003 against the Sudanese government, with two local rebel groups - the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and the Sudanese Liberation Army (SLA) - accusing the government of oppressing non-Arabs in favor of Arabs. The government was also accused of neglecting the Darfur region of Sudan. In response, the government mounted a campaign of aerial bombardment supporting ground attacks by an Arab militia, the Janjaweed. Literally translated, Janjaweed means 'devils on horseback'. The government-supported Janjaweed were accused of committing major human rights violations, including mass killing, looting, and systematic rape of the non-Arab population of Darfur.


The Janjaweed

The Sudanese government, while publicly denying that it supports the Janjaweed, has provided money and assistance to the militia and has participated in joint attacks targeting the tribes from which the rebels draw support.

As the conflict in Darfur enters its sixth year, conditions continue to deteriorate for civilians. Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed, even by the most conservative estimates. The United Nations puts the death toll at roughly 300,000, while the former U.N. undersecretary-general puts the number at no less than 400,000. Up to 2.5 million Darfuris have fled their homes and continue to live in camps throughout Darfur, or in refugee camps in neighboring Chad and the Central African Republic.


Darfur Refugee Camp in Chad

The Genocide Olympics

Due to China’s huge investment in and profit from Sudan’s Oil Industry, there is an international movement to use the 2008 Olympics to embarrass China into working to stop the genocide in Darfur.

Dream for Darfur

No country has done more to support the regime in Khartoum than the People’s Republic of China: no country has offered more diplomatic support, nor done more to provide money to buy the weaponry that fuels the engine of genocidal destruction. And no country has done more to insulate Khartoum from economic pressure or human rights accountability. As Beijing prepares to host the 2008 Olympics, join Dream for Darfur in urging China to use its leverage to persuade the Sudanese government to allow into Darfur the full protection force outlined by UN Resolution 1769.

Congo

GENOCIDE WATCH
THE INTERNATIONAL CAMPAIGN TO END GENOCIDE

GENOCIDE EMERGENCY: ITURI, EASTERN CONGO

Union of the Congolese Patriots (UPC) soldiers fight Lendus near the United Nations compound June 7, 2003 in Bunia, Democratic Republic of Congo.

Genocidal massacres have cost thousands of lives in Ituri, Eastern Congo in the past three years. Genocide Watch, Coordinator of the International Campaign to End Genocide, a coalition of twenty human rights and religious organizations in nine countries, declared a Genocide Alert for Ituri province in February, 2000. Since then, the genocidal massacres have only gotten worse. With the withdrawal of Ugandan troops from the province under the Congolese peace accords, a power vacuum has been created. Ethnic militias organized by extremists from both the Hema and Lendu groups have committed genocidal massacres during the past month that have taken at least a thousand lives.

The United Nations Observer Mission in the Congo (MONUC) lacks a mandate and the personnel and resources to intervene to stop the killings. U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan has called for a “coalition of the willing” to send heavily armed infantry to the province to intervene, to be authorized by U.N. Security Council Chapter VII mandate. France has agreed to lead the intervention and the European Union and African Union are also considering whether to send troops. The operation will require both financial and military resources.

All the warning signs for genocide that were present in Rwanda in 1994 are present in Ituri. In fact the Hema and Lendu are groups that have similar antipathies that the Tutsi and Hutu had in Rwanda. Genocide Watch sees all eight stages of the genocidal process now underway in Ituri. The population is classified into rival groups. Their identities are symbolized through local knowledge of who belongs to which group. Each group dehumanizes the other and expresses that in the hate speech they use and the destruction of the bodies of those slain. Both are organized into armed militias. The militias have polarized the society, driving other groups to ally with one side or the other. Genocidal massacres have prepared the way for larger killings, because they have been carried out with complete impunity. Extermination of part of the other group is already under way. Those supporting the militias, including Uganda and Rwanda, deny their involvement.

The Genocide Convention defines genocide as “the intentional destruction, in whole or in part, of a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group.” The killings in Ituri are genocidal because the victims are targeted solely because of their ethnic identity.

Genocide Watch calls upon France, members of the European Union and the African Union, and the United States, as well as other members of the world community to contribute troops, airlift, communications and logistical support, and financing for an immediate intervention to establish peace in Ituri province, under a Chapter VII United Nations Security Council mandate.

http://www.genocidewatch.org/GenocideEmergencyIturi.htm

A new survey from International Rescue Committee has found that 5,400,000 people have died from war-related causes in Congo since 1998 – the world’s deadliest documented conflict since WW II.

Day Five

Friday, June 20

Cyprus

Today we studied a highly complicated political issue that, while not universally considered genocide, was consumed with atrocities and could have developed into one.

In 1974, following a period of violence between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots and an attempted Greek Cypriot coup d'état aimed at annexing the island to Greece, Turkey invaded and occupied one-third of the island. This led to the displacement of thousands of Cypriots and the establishment of a separate Turkish Cypriot political entity in the north. This event and its resulting political situation is a matter of ongoing dispute.

The island is partitioned into four parts:
• the area under the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus in the south of the island;
• the Turkish-occupied area in the north, calling itself the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (recognized only by Turkey);
• the United Nations-controlled Green Line, separating the two; and
• two Sovereign Base Areas (Akrotiri and Dhekelia), over which the United Kingdom retained jurisdiction after Cypriot independence.

To understand this conflict, you have to grasp two terms that define the political objectives of the two combatant groups the EOKA and the TMT:

Enosis – Union with Greece – central objective of Greek community
Taksim - Partition

EOKA (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters)) was a Greek Cypriot nationalist organization that fought for the expulsion of British troops from the island, for self-determination and for union with Greece.

TMT (The Turkish Resistance Organization) was a Turkish Cypriot pro-taksim paramilitary organization formed in 1958 to counter the Greek Cypriot Fighter's Organization EOKA and to bring partition in Cyprus.



In 1976 and again in 1983, the European Commission of Human Rights found Turkey guilty of repeated violations of the European Convention of Human Rights.

The Republic of Cyprus has also been found guilty of violations of the European Convention of Human Rights.

The estimates of deaths due to this conflict vary, but scholars tend to support a death toll of 3,000 civilians and 2,000 military for a total of approximately 5,000 deaths. Additionally both sides have accusations related to missing persons, the destruction of cultural heritage, and concerns over Turkish settlers.

The Kurds – IRAQ

This genocide is the most completely documented genocide in history.

http://www.hrw.org/reports/1993/iraqanfal/

The al-Anfal Campaign also known as Operation Anfal, was a genocidal campaign against Kurds led by the Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein and headed by Ali Hassan al-Majid. The campaign takes its name from Surat al-Anfal in the Qur'an, which was used as a code name by the former Iraqi Baathist regime for a series of attacks against the peshmerga rebels and the mostly Kurdish civilian population of rural Northern Iraq, conducted between 1986 and 1989 culminating in 1988.

The Anfal campaign included the use of ground offensives, aerial bombing, systematic destruction of settlements, mass deportation, concentration camps, firing squads, and chemical warfare, which earned Ali Hassan al-Majid, one of Saddam Hussein's notorious top former aides, the nickname of "Chemical Ali".



Thousands of civilians were killed during chemical and conventional bombardments stretching from the spring of 1987 through the fall of 1988. The attacks were part of a long-standing campaign that destroyed almost every Kurdish village in a vast areas of northern Iraq -- along with a centuries-old way of life -- and displaced at least a million of the country's estimated 3.5 million Kurdish population.

According to the HRW during the Anfal campaign, the Iraqi government:
• massacred 50,000 to 100,000 non-combatant civilians including women and children;
• destroyed about 4,000 villages (out of 4,655) in Iraqi Kurdistan. Between April 1987 and August 1988, 250 towns and villages were exposed to chemical weapons;
• destroyed 1,754 schools, 270 hospitals, 2,450 mosques, 27 churches;
• wiped out around 90% of Kurdish villages in targeted areas.

Afternoon

In the afternoon, we discussed the genocide in Bosnia the followed the break-up of Yugoslavia.

After Tito's death on 4 May 1980, ethnic tensions grew in Yugoslavia. In June 1991, Slovenia and Croatia each declare independence. With 90% of its population ethnic Slovenians, Slovenia is able to break away with only a brief period of fighting. Because 12% of Croatia's population is Serbian, however, Yugoslavia fights hard against its secession for the next four years. As Croatia moves towards independence, it evicts most of its Serbian population.



In April 1992, Bosnia and Herzegovina declares independence while Serbia and Montenegro form the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, with Slobodan Milosevic as its leader. The most ethnically diverse of the Yugoslav republics, Bosnia is 43% Muslim, 31% Serbian, and 17% Croatian (according to the 1991 Yugoslavian census). Ethnic tensions strain to the breaking point, and Bosnia erupts into war. Thousands die and more than a million are displaced.

The Siege of Sarajevo was the longest siege in the history of modern warfare, conducted by the Serb forces from April 5, 1992 to February 29, 1996.

The Serb forces carried out a vicious campaign of ethnic cleansing in the parts of the city occupied by them during the siege. The typical claim is that between 1992 and 1995, 150,000 Serbs were ethnically cleansed from Sarajevo, with several thousand killed. Ethnic cleansing refers to various military policies or military practices aimed at achieving security during war through displacement of an ethnic group from a particular territory. The official United Nations definition of ethnic cleansing is "rendering an area ethnically homogeneous by using force or intimidation to remove from a given area persons of another ethnic or religious group"

During the war, Serb forces systematically raped and sexually abused Muslim Bosnian women in rape camps after being separated from men. Between 20,000 and 44,000 women were systematically raped by the Serb forces. There are claims the rapes occurred with the knowledge and approval of Serbian officials.

The death toll after the war was originally estimated at around 200,000 by the Bosnian government. They also recorded around 1,326,000 refugees and exiles.


Evening

In the evening, we watch a series of films on genocide including excerpts from New Year Baby, A Good Man in Hell, and Welcome to Sarajevo to name a few.

Genocide Survivor's Stories

I hope to post the video clips of the Survivor's Stories here shortly.